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Dido's Story within Imperialism
12019-07-20T15:14:40+00:00Emma Sternberg9dd1d1d0edcde572d5819158147f717e072da3b912Newman Note 14plain2019-07-20T15:17:52+00:00Emma Sternberg9dd1d1d0edcde572d5819158147f717e072da3b9Newman, On Records: Delaware Indians, Colonists, and the Media of History and Memory, 55–93.
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12021-02-16T20:07:58+00:00Joelle Thomas0feb3b2b7a8befeee2c7d2d710d303ed96772141IndexJoelle Thomas9Index of all pagesvispath2021-02-16T21:22:00+00:00Joelle Thomas0feb3b2b7a8befeee2c7d2d710d303ed96772141
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12019-07-20T15:17:06+00:00What the Accounts Demonstrate4Newman Page 6plain2021-03-12T20:49:18+00:00As I have argued extensively elsewhere, these accounts corroborate one another. It’s not possible that all these unrelated authors – John Heckewelder, the authors of the Ming Annals, the author of the Arabic History of Gujarat and many others – all decided to embellish or invent traditions in precisely the same way. There is no channel by which the stories could have spread by word of mouth, as apparently it did among neighboring Native American peoples. The best explanation is the one suggested by Heckewelder with respect to the New York instance. It is possible, if seemingly unbelievable, that these early modern maritime imperialists, all connected with one another through the Habsburg Empire, went around emulating the story of Dido’s founding of Carthage.14
Why does it matter? Because it’s a challenging test case that vindicates indigenous memory-work over colonial documentary evidence. For the Munsee memorialists, their traditional knowledge is not incidental, as Schoolcraft seemed to think, but significant to their present demands. The memories of the 1805 Treaty of Fort Industry, the 1757 Treaty of Easton, and the early seventeenth-century arrival of the Dutch compose a coherent historical narrative and claim to historical knowledge. It’s important to the Munsees that they were the first to greet the colonists and to give them land. What they’re proposing in 1849 is a long protracted exchange: a tract of valuable Manhattan real-estate for a tract of “vacant” land on the Great Plains.
The Munsees’ 1849 Memorial made a strong case: it demonstrates their understanding of the process and their effective mastery of its forms. In forwarding it to his Superintendent, the Indian Agent Cummins endorsed their request for “a Small country on which they can live and thrive, and claim as their own,” and urged “a speedy and Serious consideration of this Subject”; Schoolcraft added that it “was worthy of favorable consideration.”Yet like so many Native petitions for redress, it did not ultimately succeed in its practical aims. The Munsee community on Delaware lands in Kansas mostly disbanded. Many returned to Wisconsin and Canada; others joined the Delawares in an eventual move to eastern Oklahoma.15Today, the document serves as a memorial in another sense of the word: a reminder of a particular, transitory phase in the Munsee diaspora, but also of a different way of understanding history, left whole, rather than broken into parcels.